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Hold the U.S. Accountable: The Internationally
Recognized Rights of the "internally Displaced"
Published in the Black Commentator Sept. 2005, by Ajamu Baraka,
Executive Director of the U.S. Human Rights Network
In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, the debate is already raging
on how to deal with those displaced by the disaster and whether
to rebuild New Orleans and other coastal communities. Competing
interests combined with poor planning and a disjointed response
from public and private agencies have created confusion about priorities,
funding and other crucial details. It is imperative that a human
rights and humanitarian law framework be applied to these discussions
and form the basis for all future action.
The United Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement
provide just such a framework. The principles identify the internationally
recognized rights and guarantees of people who have been forcibly
displaced from their homes and communities due to a number of factors,
including natural disaster. According to this set of principles,
those who have been displaced from their homes but not crossed international
borders are classified as “internally displaced persons,”
not “refugees” or “evacuees.” This is not
a mere question of semantics, but an essential definition that establishes
the obligations that government has to protect and defend the rights
of the Gulf Coast residents who have been dispersed across the country.
The extent to which various aspects of the recovery should be funded
will be a topic of much debate among policymakers, especially given
the federal deficit and competing economic needs. But the rights
of the displaced must be viewed as a separate and overriding issue.
Receiving protection and humanitarian assistance from government
authorities is not an act of benevolence, but rather is obligatory
for displaced people – for the duration of their displacement.
This will be especially important to remember after media coverage
of Katrina has faded, and we must not compound the plight of the
displaced by letting them fend for themselves once the dust has
settled. If we accept that it will take years to rebuild New Orleans,
we must also accept that it will take no less time to rebuild the
lives of the displaced from New Orleans and throughout the Gulf
Coast.
One of the most contentious issues that will emerge in the near
future is the fate of the large numbers of people, largely poor
and African American who may want to return to their homes and communities
but may not have the resources to do so. But as the U.N. guidelines
clearly state, “Authorities have the duty and responsibility
to assist returned and/or resettled internally displaced persons
to recover, to the extent possible, their property and possessions
which they left behind or were dispossessed of upon their displacement.”
We know that there are powerful forces in New Orleans and elsewhere
on the coast who would prefer that the poor of those communities
not be allowed to return. Low- and middle-income property owners
will have particular difficulty meeting their financial obligations
and will require protection from creditors; speculators are already
targeting the most vulnerable and desperate property owners, offering
cash for their holdings at pennies on the dollar. The sharks are
circling, and we must ensure that they are not allowed to feed.
In fact, the problems the displaced will face in the future may
well dwarf what they’ve already been through. Assessing and
then meeting the individual needs of several hundred thousand people
scattered in dozens of states will be a difficult and time-consuming
task, the magnitude of which argues strongly for a coordinated response
that must begin now. This might well include a role for the U.N.
High Commission on Refugees, which has considerable experience with
displacement issues, and other international agencies.
Regardless of the mechanism, alternatives to dumping the entire
recovery burden on FEMA or other already-overextended agency must
be explored. Without a coordinated plan that specifically addresses
critical long-term issues, the likelihood will only increase in
coming months that the most powerless victims of Katrina will be
left with nothing.
The disproportionate hardships shouldered by poor, mostly minority
residents of the Gulf Coast in the wake of Katrina have been well-documented
and acknowledged by most observers. It is not enough, however, to
address this reality merely by issuing debit cards, formulating
more equitable evacuation plans or otherwise better preparing for
future disasters. Rather, as the U.N. principles clearly state,
continued relief efforts must be viewed in the context of providing
meaningful opportunities for the displaced and their families in
the months and years to come. Stories of evacuees airlifted to destinations
far from their families and friends, sometimes against their will,
reinforce the importance of viewing the emergency measures as a
temporary, not a permanent, solution. The idea that evacuees will
remain where they’ve been dropped assumes that they have no
other options; providing such options is an essential component
of the government’s obligation according to the U.N. principles.
Missing from the press conferences and official statements has
been any commitment to another of the U.N. principles: that the
victims of Hurricane Katrina have the ability to decide for themselves
how to reconstruct their lives. As the principles state unequivocally,
the displaced have an inalienable right to participate in decisions
about their future, and any recovery plan in Katrina’s aftermath
must therefore include substantive input by those who have the most
at stake. This is not a courtesy that can be discarded if it becomes
inconvenient, but an absolute necessity.
It is important to note that the United States has consistently
upheld the U.N. Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement when
similar circumstances have arisen in other countries. If the fundamental
rights of displaced people apply in countries far less able to cope
with such disasters as Hurricane Katrina, they certainly apply here.
Ajamu Baraka is Director of the U.S. Human Rights Network,
a coalition of more than 170 organizations working on the full spectrum
of human rights issues. Formed to promote U.S. adherence to universal
human rights standards by building links between organizations as
well as individuals across the nation, the Network strives towards
building a human rights culture that puts those directly affected
by human rights violations in a central leadership role. The Network
also works to connect the U.S. human rights movement with the broader
U.S. social justice movement and human rights movements around the
world. He can be reached at abaraka@ushrnetwork.org.
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